‘The Washington Post’: The Post is ‘taking over’ editorial independence

‘The Washington Post’: The Post is ‘taking over’ editorial independence

It’s the new normal.

And the Post, as always, seems to have it all figured out.

It has more money than it needs, the editorial board is more powerful than it has ever been and, most of all, its executives seem to have little concern about the rest of the country’s press corps.

But the Post is still trying to figure out how to make itself a media company that will be more than a little bit relevant and useful to the country and its people.

This is the Post’s story, as they say, and it’s all based on a series of decisions by its executives and board of directors in the wake of the election.

Here are five of them.

Editorial independence was an essential piece of Post journalism.

When the Post published its first story on Donald Trump’s business dealings in New York City in late March of last year, it had no editorial control over the coverage.

Its reporters and editors had to rely on the Washington Post’s own reporting to write and publish.

They were allowed to write whatever they wanted about Trump’s businesses.

It was the same for coverage of the 2016 presidential election, which was the Posts main mission.

But in the midst of that election, when the Post reported on the 2016 race’s first debate between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, it was the first time the Post ever covered a presidential debate in its entirety.

It didn’t matter that the Trump campaign was a little late on paying its legal fees, the Post decided it wanted to report on the debate.

Its decision to do so in the middle of the presidential campaign was itself a sign that its editors had no desire to limit what it covered or what it wrote.

They felt the Post was doing its job.

The Post had always been a news organization that was independent from the news cycle.

That had always made sense.

But it wasn’t always obvious.

When President Trump took office in January of 2017, the United States was in the grips of a political crisis.

The country had already seen the unraveling of the Republican Party’s control of both chambers of Congress and the Supreme Court, and a president who would make an attack on the press almost as much a crime as an attack against him.

In the midst the crisis, the paper was struggling to keep its focus on what was important: the fight against a president that was so dangerous that it would threaten the safety of the United Nations and the survival of the planet.

The story the Post started to report about Trump, then known as the Russia scandal, was an unprecedented one, breaking new ground in the American news media.

And when the story broke, it wasn.

The president was indicted on 10 counts of crimes against the United State.

The case went all the way to the Supreme, which announced it would rule on whether Trump had violated the U.S. Constitution’s Emoluments Clause, which prohibits federal officials from accepting payments from foreign governments.

The court would rule that Trump’s financial entanglements with foreign governments violated his constitutional duty to faithfully execute the office he was elected to fill.

The stakes were high.

The White House had just taken on Trump’s chief of staff, Reince Priebus, as its chief White House adviser.

And if the Supreme court ruled in Trump’s favor, the president would be forced to fire Priebus, who had been in charge for the past two months.

The outcome would be dramatic for the Post and for the country.

Trump’s allies, led by the media, were calling for the impeachment of the president.

But they didn’t want to put the Post in that position.

Priebus and Trump had been allies since the days of Trump’s campaign.

But Priebus was the most prominent Trump loyalist, a former Goldman Sachs executive who would take the post after the campaign ended.

Priebus, in other words, had a lot to lose.

It would be an unprecedented political scandal, which would hurt the Trump brand and harm his presidency.

Priebus’s allies in the press, by contrast, were counting on the public’s sympathy for him and his administration.

They wanted the public to know that Priebus was doing the right thing by Trump and his supporters, even if they disagreed with the outcome of the case.

This was an opportunity for the media to help the president get his story across.

The Trump team was desperate to get the story out.

Its advisers had no interest in running a negative story on Priebus and his allies.

They had no idea that a negative piece would hurt their chances of retaining the support of the media.

Instead, they focused on how to get their story out to their readers, who were largely sympathetic to Priebus’s case and had already formed a visceral reaction to the impeachment charge.

The goal was to get as much coverage as possible.

And that meant running a story that focused on the Trump administration and Trump supporters, while also highlighting the fact that Trump himself had been implicated in the investigation into the Trump Campaign’s possible ties to Russia.

And while the president’s allies had their

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